Video of President Obama's
Cairo Speech to the Muslim World on June 4,
2009
President Obama made an historic speech on June 4, 2009
at Cairo University in Cairo Egypt. Popularly known as
Obama's "Speech to the Muslim World," this speech touched on
topics from democracy in the middle east to the Israel-Palistinian
Conflict, to the Taliban
War in Pakistan. As predicted, those who truly seek
peace liked the speech, and those who seek a continuance of
conflict and religious hatred, disliked the
speech.
Text of President Obama's Cairo Speech to the
Muslim World on June 4, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON A NEW BEGINNING
Cairo University
Cairo,
Egypt
1:10 P.M. (Local)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you very much. Good afternoon.
I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to
be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a
thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic
learning; and for over a century, Cairo University has
been a source of Egypt's advancement. And together, you
represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I'm
grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the
people of Egypt. And I'm also proud to carry with me the
goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace
from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum.
(Applause.)
We meet at a time of great tension between the United
States and Muslims around the world -- tension rooted in
historical forces that go beyond any current policy
debate. The relationship between Islam and the West
includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but
also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension
has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and
opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which
Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as
proxies without regard to their own aspirations.
Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and
globalization led many Muslims to view the West as
hostile to the traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a
small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of
September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these
extremists to engage in violence against civilians has
led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably
hostile not only to America and Western countries, but
also to human rights. All this has bred more fear and
more mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our
differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather
than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the
cooperation that can help all of our people achieve
justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and
discord must end.
I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning
between the United States and Muslims around the world,
one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one
based upon the truth that America and Islam are not
exclusive and need not be in competition. Instead, they
overlap, and share common principles -- principles of
justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all
human beings.
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen
overnight. I know there's been a lot of publicity about
this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of
mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this
afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to
this point. But I am convinced that in order to move
forward, we must say openly to each other the things we
hold in our hearts and that too often are said only
behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to
listen to each other; to learn from each other; to
respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the
Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak
always the truth." (Applause.) That is what I will try to
do today -- to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by
the task before us, and firm in my belief that the
interests we share as human beings are far more powerful
than the forces that drive us apart.
Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own
experience. I'm a Christian, but my father came from a
Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a
boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the
call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of
dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities
where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim
faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilization's
debt to Islam. It was Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar --
that carried the light of learning through so many
centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and
Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities --
(applause) -- it was innovation in Muslim communities
that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass
and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and
printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and
how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us
majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and
cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of
peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has
demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of
religious tolerance and racial equality. (Applause.)
I also know that Islam has always been a part of
America's story. The first nation to recognize my country
was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796,
our second President, John Adams, wrote, "The United
States has in itself no character of enmity against the
laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our
founding, American Muslims have enriched the United
States. They have fought in our wars, they have served in
our government, they have stood for civil rights, they
have started businesses, they have taught at our
universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas,
they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and
lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim American
was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to
defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that
one of our Founding Fathers -- Thomas Jefferson -- kept
in his personal library. (Applause.)
So I have known Islam on three continents before
coming to the region where it was first revealed. That
experience guides my conviction that partnership between
America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not
what it isn't. And I consider it part of my
responsibility as President of the United States to fight
against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they
appear. (Applause.)
But that same principle must apply to Muslim
perceptions of America. (Applause.) Just as Muslims do
not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude
stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States
has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the
world has ever known. We were born out of revolution
against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that
all are created equal, and we have shed blood and
struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words --
within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped
by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and
dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum -- "Out of
many, one."
Now, much has been made of the fact that an African
American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be
elected President. (Applause.) But my personal story is
not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people
has not come true for everyone in America, but its
promise exists for all who come to our shores -- and that
includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country
today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational
levels that are higher than the American average.
(Applause.)
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the
freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is
a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200
mosques within our borders. That's why the United States
government has gone to court to protect the right of
women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who
would deny it. (Applause.)
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America.
And I believe that America holds within her the truth
that regardless of race, religion, or station in life,
all of us share common aspirations -- to live in peace
and security; to get an education and to work with
dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our
God. These things we share. This is the hope of all
humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the
beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs
of our people. These needs will be met only if we act
boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the
challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet
them will hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a
financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is
hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being,
all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear
weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations.
When violent extremists operate in one stretch of
mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. When
innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a
stain on our collective conscience. (Applause.) That is
what it means to share this world in the 21st century.
That is the responsibility we have to one another as
human beings.
And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For
human history has often been a record of nations and
tribes -- and, yes, religions -- subjugating one another
in pursuit of their own interests. Yet in this new age,
such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our
interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation
or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So
whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners
to it. Our problems must be dealt with through
partnership; our progress must be shared. (Applause.)
Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of
tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: We must face
these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me
speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some
specific issues that I believe we must finally confront
together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent
extremism in all of its forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not -- and
never will be -- at war with Islam. (Applause.) We will,
however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who
pose a grave threat to our security -- because we reject
the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the
killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is
my first duty as President to protect the American
people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's
goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years
ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban
with broad international support. We did not go by
choice; we went because of necessity. I'm aware that
there's still some who would question or even justify the
events of 9/11. But let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed
nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were
innocent men, women and children from America and many
other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And
yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people,
claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their
determination to kill on a massive scale. They have
affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand
their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these
are facts to be dealt with.
Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our
troops in Afghanistan. We see no military -- we seek no
military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose
our young men and women. It is costly and politically
difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly
bring every single one of our troops home if we could be
confident that there were not violent extremists in
Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many
Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the
case.
And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46
countries. And despite the costs involved, America's
commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should
tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many
countries. They have killed people of different faiths --
but more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their
actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human
beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy
Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as -- it
is as if he has killed all mankind. (Applause.) And the
Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if
he has saved all mankind. (Applause.) The enduring faith
of over a billion people is so much bigger than the
narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem
in combating violent extremism -- it is an important part
of promoting peace.
Now, we also know that military power alone is not
going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over
the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build
schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds
of millions to help those who've been displaced. That's
why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help
Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that
people depend on.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike
Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked
strong differences in my country and around the world.
Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately
better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also
believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the
need to use diplomacy and build international consensus
to resolve our problems whenever possible. (Applause.)
Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who
said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power,
and teach us that the less we use our power the greater
it will be."
Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq
forge a better future -- and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. And
I have made it clear to the Iraqi people -- (applause) --
I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue
no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources.
Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered
the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That
is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's
democratically elected government to remove combat troops
from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our
troops from Iraq by 2012. (Applause.) We will help Iraq
train its security forces and develop its economy. But we
will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and
never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate
violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our
principles. Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our
country. The fear and anger that it provoked was
understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act
contrary to our traditions and our ideals. We are taking
concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally
prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I
have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early
next year. (Applause.)
So America will defend itself, respectful of the
sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will
do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are
also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated
and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will
all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to
discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians
and the Arab world.
America's strong bonds with Israel are well known.
This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and
historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration
for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that
cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted
for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in
an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit
Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where
Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by
the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed -- more
than the entire Jewish population of Israel today.
Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is
hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction -- or
repeating vile stereotypes about Jews -- is deeply wrong,
and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this
most painful of memories while preventing the peace that
the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the
Palestinian people -- Muslims and Christians -- have
suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years
they've endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in
refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring
lands for a life of peace and security that they have
never been able to lead. They endure the daily
humiliations -- large and small -- that come with
occupation. So let there be no doubt: The situation for
the Palestinian people is intolerable. And America will
not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian
aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their
own. (Applause.)
For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two
peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful
history that makes compromise elusive. It's easy to point
fingers -- for Palestinians to point to the displacement
brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to
point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout
its history from within its borders as well as beyond.
But if we see this conflict only from one side or the
other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only
resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met
through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each
live in peace and security. (Applause.)
That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest,
America's interest, and the world's interest. And that is
why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all
the patience and dedication that the task requires.
(Applause.) The obligations -- the obligations that the
parties have agreed to under the road map are clear. For
peace to come, it is time for them -- and all of us -- to
live up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through
violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed.
For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash
of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation.
But it was not violence that won full and equal rights.
It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the
ideals at the center of America's founding. This same
story can be told by people from South Africa to South
Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with
a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign
neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping
children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That's not
how moral authority is claimed; that's how it is
surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they
can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its
capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the
needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some
Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have
responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling
Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people,
Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past
agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just
as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can
Palestine's. The United States does not accept the
legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. (Applause.)
This construction violates previous agreements and
undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these
settlements to stop. (Applause.)
And Israel must also live up to its obligation to
ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop
their society. Just as it devastates Palestinian
families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does
not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing
lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the
daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical
part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete
steps to enable such progress.
And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the
Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not
the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli
conflict should no longer be used to distract the people
of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be
a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop
the institutions that will sustain their state, to
recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress
over a self-defeating focus on the past.
America will align our policies with those who pursue
peace, and we will say in public what we say in private
to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. (Applause.) We
cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims
recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many
Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It
is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be
true.
Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been
shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day
when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see
their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land
of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God
intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting
home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for
all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully
together as in the story of Isra -- (applause) -- as in
the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace
be upon them, joined in prayer. (Applause.)
The third source of tension is our shared interest in
the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear
weapons.
This issue has been a source of tension between the
United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many
years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition
to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history
between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United
States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically
elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution,
Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and
violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history
is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past,
I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my
country is prepared to move forward. The question now is
not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants
to build.
I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of
mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude,
and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between
our two countries, and we are willing to move forward
without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But
it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to
nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This
is not simply about America's interests. It's about
preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that
could lead this region and the world down a hugely
dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries
have weapons that others do not. No single nation should
pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons. And
that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to
seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.
(Applause.) And any nation -- including Iran -- should
have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it
complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core
of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully
abide by it. And I'm hopeful that all countries in the
region can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.
(Applause.)
I know -- I know there has been controversy about the
promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this
controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be
clear: No system of government can or should be imposed
by one nation by any other.
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to
governments that reflect the will of the people. Each
nation gives life to this principle in its own way,
grounded in the traditions of its own people. America
does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just
as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful
election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all
people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak
your mind and have a say in how you are governed;
confidence in the rule of law and the equal
administration of justice; government that is transparent
and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as
you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are
human rights. And that is why we will support them
everywhere. (Applause.)
Now, there is no straight line to realize this
promise. But this much is clear: Governments that protect
these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and
secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them
go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and
law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if
we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected,
peaceful governments -- provided they govern with respect
for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some
who advocate for democracy only when they're out of
power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing
the rights of others. (Applause.) So no matter where it
takes hold, government of the people and by the people
sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You
must maintain your power through consent, not coercion;
you must respect the rights of minorities, and
participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise;
you must place the interests of your people and the
legitimate workings of the political process above your
party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not
make true democracy.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.) The fifth
issue that we must address together is religious
freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in
the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the
Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia,
where devout Christians worshiped freely in an
overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need
today. People in every country should be free to choose
and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the
mind and the heart and the soul. This tolerance is
essential for religion to thrive, but it's being
challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to
measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody
else's faith. The richness of religious diversity must be
upheld -- whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the
Copts in Egypt. (Applause.) And if we are being honest,
fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the
divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic
violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of
peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways
in which we protect it. For instance, in the United
States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder
for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That's
why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to
ensure that they can fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to
avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion
as they see fit -- for instance, by dictating what
clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We can't disguise
hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of
liberalism.
In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's
why we're forging service projects in America to bring
together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That's why we
welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's
interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the
Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn
dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between
peoples lead to action -- whether it is combating malaria
in Africa, or providing relief after a natural
disaster.
The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to
address is women's rights. (Applause.) I know - I
know -- and you can tell from this audience, that there
is a healthy debate about this issue. I reject the view
of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her
hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman
who is denied an education is denied equality.
(Applause.) And it is no coincidence that countries where
women are well educated are far more likely to be
prosperous.
Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are
by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey,
Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen
Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead.
Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in
many aspects of American life, and in countries around
the world.
I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just
as much to society as our sons. (Applause.) Our common
prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity --
men and women -- to reach their full potential. I do not
believe that women must make the same choices as men in
order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose
to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should
be their choice. And that is why the United States will
partner with any Muslim-majority country to support
expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women
pursue employment through micro-financing that helps
people live their dreams. (Applause.)
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and
opportunity.
I know that for many, the face of globalization is
contradictory. The Internet and television can bring
knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality
and mindless violence into the home. Trade can bring new
wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and
change in communities. In all nations -- including
America -- this change can bring fear. Fear that because
of modernity we lose control over our economic choices,
our politics, and most importantly our identities --
those things we most cherish about our communities, our
families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied.
There need not be contradictions between development and
tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew
their economies enormously while maintaining distinct
cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress
within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to
Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim
communities have been at the forefront of innovation and
education.
And this is important because no development strategy
can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor
can it be sustained while young people are out of work.
Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a
consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on
broader development. But all of us must recognize that
education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st
century -- (applause) -- and in too many Muslim
communities, there remains underinvestment in these
areas. I'm emphasizing such investment within my own
country. And while America in the past has focused on oil
and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we now
seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programs, and
increase scholarships, like the one that brought my
father to America. (Applause.) At the same time, we will
encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities.
And we will match promising Muslim students with
internships in America; invest in online learning for
teachers and children around the world; and create a new
online network, so a young person in Kansas can
communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of
business volunteers to partner with counterparts in
Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on
Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen
ties between business leaders, foundations and social
entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities
around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund
to support technological development in Muslim-majority
countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace
so they can create more jobs. We'll open centers of
scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and
Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to
collaborate on programs that develop new sources of
energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water,
grow new crops. Today I'm announcing a new global effort
with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to
eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships
with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal
health.
All these things must be done in partnership.
Americans are ready to join with citizens and
governments; community organizations, religious leaders,
and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to
help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to
address. But we have a responsibility to join together on
behalf of the world that we seek -- a world where
extremists no longer threaten our people, and American
troops have come home; a world where Israelis and
Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and
nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world
where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of
all God's children are respected. Those are mutual
interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only
achieve it together.
I know there are many -- Muslim and non-Muslim -- who
question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some
are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand
in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth
the effort -- that we are fated to disagree, and
civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply
skeptical that real change can occur. There's so much
fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years.
But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never
move forward. And I want to particularly say this to
young people of every faith, in every country -- you,
more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the
world, to remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in
time. The question is whether we spend that time focused
on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves
to an effort -- a sustained effort -- to find common
ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children,
and to respect the dignity of all human beings.
It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's
easier to blame others than to look inward. It's easier
to see what is different about someone than to find the
things we share. But we should choose the right path, not
just the easy path. There's one rule that lies at the
heart of every religion -- that we do unto others as we
would have them do unto us. (Applause.) This truth
transcends nations and peoples -- a belief that isn't
new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't
Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in
the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the
hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in
other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only
if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping
in mind what has been written.
The Holy Koran tells us: "O mankind! We have created
you male and a female; and we have made you into nations
and tribes so that you may know one another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for
the purpose of promoting peace."
The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers,
for they shall be called sons of God." (Applause.)
The people of the world can live together in peace. We
know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here
on Earth.
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you
very much. Thank you. (Applause.)
Wars
and Conflicts of Burma/Myanmar
--The Wars and Conflicts
of Burma/Myanmar from the Anglo-Burmese Wars to the
pro-democracy Myanmar uprising of 2007.
Israel-Lebanon
Conflict--*New*--Background
information on the decades-long warfare and
conflict along the Israel/Lebanon
border.
Israeli-Palestinian
Conflict--*New*--Background
information on the long-running warfare between
Israel and the Palestinians!
Israeli-Palestinian
Battles and
Campaigns--*New*--Specific
information on the warfare raids, battles,
terrorist attacks, and retaliations between Israel
and the Palestinians!
Waziristan
War----The
War on Terror expands to Pakistan's Northwest
Frontier!
Hamas----The
terrorist/resistance group now ruling the
Palestinian Authority!