A declaration by the representatives of the united
colonies of North America, now met in Congress at
Philadelphia, setting forth the causes and necessity of
their taking up arms.
If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason
to believe, that the divine Author of our existence
intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute
property in, and an unbounded power over others, marked
out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects
of a legal domination never rightfully resistible,
however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of these
colonies might at least require from the parliament of
Great-Britain some evidence, that this dreadful authority
over them, has been granted to that body. But a reverance
for our Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates
of common sense, must convince all those who reflect upon
the subject, that government was instituted to promote
the welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for
the attainment of that end. The legislature of
Great-Britain, however, stimulated by an inordinate
passion for a power not only unjustifiable, but which
they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very
constitution of that kingdom, and desparate of success in
any mode of contest, where regard should be had to truth,
law, or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted
to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving
these colonies by violence, and have thereby rendered it
necessary for us to close with their last appeal from
reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that assembly may
be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited domination,
so to sight justice and the opinion of mankind, we esteem
ourselves bound by obligations of respect to the rest of
the world, to make known the justice of our cause. Our
forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great-Britain,
left their native land, to seek on these shores a
residence for civil and religious freedom. At the expense
of their blood, at the hazard of their fortunes, without
the least charge to the country from which they removed,
by unceasing labour, and an unconquerable spirit, they
effected settlements in the distant and unhospitable
wilds of America, then filled with numerous and warlike
barbarians. -- Societies or governments, vested with
perfect legislatures, were formed under charters from the
crown, and an harmonious intercourse was established
between the colonies and the kingdom from which they
derived their origin. The mutual benefits of this union
became in a short time so extraordinary, as to excite
astonishment. It is universally confessed, that the
amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation
of the realm, arose from this source; and the minister,
who so wisely and successfully directed the measures of
Great-Britain in the late war, publicly declared, that
these colonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies.
--Towards the conclusion of that war, it pleased our
sovereign to make a change in his counsels.
-- From that fatal movement, the affairs of the
British empire began to fall into confusion, and
gradually sliding from the summit of glorious prosperity,
to which they had been advanced by the virtues and
abilities of one man, are at length distracted by the
convulsions, that now shake it to its deepest
foundations.
-- The new ministry finding the brave foes of Britain,
though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up
the unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and
then subduing her faithful friends.
These colonies were judged to be in such a state, as
to present victories without bloodshed, and all the easy
emoluments of statuteable plunder. -- The uninterrupted
tenor of their peaceable and respectful behaviour from
the beginning of colonization, their dutiful, zealous,
and useful services during the war, though so recently
and amply acknowledged in the most honourable manner by
his majesty, by the late king, and by parliament, could
not save them from the meditated innovations. --
Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious
project, and assuming a new power over them, have in the
course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of
the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to
leave no doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence
under it. They have undertaken to give and grant our
money without our consent, though we have ever exercised
an exclusive right to dispose of our own property;
statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction
of courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond their
ancient limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and
inestimable privilege of trial by jury, in cases
affecting both life and property; for suspending the
legislature of one of the colonies; for interdicting all
commerce to the capital of another; and for altering
fundamentally the form of government established by
charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature
solemnly confirmed by the crown; for exempting the
"murderers" of colonists from legal trial, and in effect,
from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring province,
acquired by the joint arms of Great-Britain and America,
a despotism dangerous to our very existence; and for
quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of
profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament,
that colonists charged with committing certain offences,
shall be transported to England to be tried. But why
should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one
statute it is declared, that parliament can "of right
make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever." What is to
defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not
a single man of those who assume it, is chosen by us; or
is subject to our control or influence; but, on the
contrary, they are all of them exempt from the operation
of such laws, and an American revenue, if not diverted
from the ostensible purposes for which it is raised,
would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion,
as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such
despotism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly
and ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we
reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament, in the most
mild and decent language.
Administration sensible that we should regard these
oppressive measures as freemen ought to do, sent over
fleets and armies to enforce them. The indignation of the
Americans was roused, it is true; but it was the
indignation of a virtuous, loyal, and affectionate
people. A Congress of delegates from the United Colonies
was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last
September. We resolved again to offer an humble and
dutiful petition to the King, and also addressed our
fellow-subjects of Great-Britain. We have pursued every
temperate, every respectful measure; we have even
proceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with
our fellow-subjects, as the last peaceable admonition,
that our attachment to no nation upon earth should
supplant our attachment to liberty. -- This, we flattered
ourselves, was the ultimate step of the controversy: but
subsequent events have shewn, how vain was this hope of
finding moderation in our enemies.
Several threatening expressions against the colonies
were inserted in his majesty's speech; our petition, tho'
we were told it was a decent one, and that his majesty
had been pleased to receive it graciously, and to promise
laying it before his parliament, was huddled into both
houses among a bundle of American papers, and there
neglected. The lords and commons in their address, in the
month of February, said, that "a rebellion at that time
actually existed within the province of Massachusetts-
Bay; and that those concerned with it, had been
countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and
engagements, entered into by his majesty's subjects in
several of the other colonies; and therefore they
besought his majesty, that he would take the most
effectual measures to inforce due obediance to the laws
and authority of the supreme legislature." -- Soon after,
the commercial intercourse of whole colonies, with
foreign countries, and with each other, was cut off by an
act of parliament; by another several of them were
intirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near
their coasts, on which they always depended for their
sustenance; and large reinforcements of ships and troops
were immediately sent over to general Gage.
Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and
eloquence of an illustrious band of the most
distinguished peers, and commoners, who nobly and
strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay,
or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these
accumulated and unexampled outrages were hurried on. --
equally fruitless was the interference of the city of
London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns in
our favor. Parliament adopted an insidious manoeuvre
calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction
of taxations where colony should bid against colony, all
of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives;
and thus to extort from us, at the point of the bayonet,
the unknown sums that should be sufficient to gratify, if
possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with the
miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our own
mode, the prescribed tribute. What terms more rigid and
humiliating could have been dictated by remorseless
victors to conquered enemies? in our circumstances to
accept them, would be to deserve them.
Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings
arrived on this continent, general Gage, who in the
course of the last year had taken possession of the town
of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts-Bay, and
still occupied it a garrison, on the 19th day of April,
sent out from that place a large detachment of his army,
who made an unprovoked assault on the inhabitants of the
said province, at the town of Lexington, as appears by
the affidavits of a great number of persons, some of whom
were officers and soldiers of that detachment, murdered
eight of the inhabitants, and wounded many others. From
thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to the town
of Concord, where they set upon another party of the
inhabitants of the same province, killing several and
wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country
people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression.
Hostilities, thus commenced by the British troops, have
been since prosecuted by them without regard to faith or
reputation. -- The inhabitants of Boston being confined
within that town by the general their governor, and
having, in order to procure their dismission, entered
into a treaty with him, it was stipulated that the said
inhabitants having deposited their arms with their own
magistrate, should have liberty to depart, taking with
them their other effects. They accordingly delivered up
their arms, but in open violation of honour, in defiance
of the obligation of treaties, which even savage nations
esteemed sacred, the governor ordered the arms deposited
as aforesaid, that they might be preserved for their
owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers; detained the
greatest part of the inhabitants in the town, and
compelled the few who were permitted to retire, to leave
their most valuable effects behind.
By this perfidy wives are separated from their
husbands, children from their parents, the aged and the
sick from their relations and friends, who wish to attend
and comfort them; and those who have been used to live in
plenty and even elegance, are reduced to deplorable
distress.
The general, further emulating his ministerial
masters, by a proclamation bearing date on the 12th day
of June, after venting the grossest falsehoods and
calumnies against the good people of these colonies,
proceeds to "declare them all, either by name or
description, to be rebels and traitors, to supercede the
course of the common law, and instead thereof to publish
and order the use and exercise of the law martial." --
His troops have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly
burnt Charlestown, besides a considerable number of
houses in other places; our ships and vessels are seized;
the necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted, and
he is exerting his utmost power to spread destruction and
devastation around him.
We have rceived certain intelligence, that general
Carleton, the governor of Canada, is instigating the
people of that province and the Indians to fall upon us;
and we have but too much reason to apprehend, that
schemes have been formed to excite domestic enemies
against us. In brief, a part of these colonies now feel,
and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the
vengeance of administration can inflict them, the
complicated calamities of fire, sword and famine.
[1] We are reduced to the alternative of chusing
an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated
ministers, or resistance by force. -- The latter is our
choice. -- We have counted the cost of this contest, and
find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. -- Honour,
justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that
freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and
which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from
us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning
succeeding generations to that wretchedness which
inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary
bondage upon them.
Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal
resources are great, and, if necessary, foreign
assistance is undoubtedly attainable. -- We gratefully
acknowledge, as signal instances of the Divine favour
towards us, that his Providence would not permit us to be
called into this severe controversy, until we were grown
up to our present strength, had been previously exercised
in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of
defending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these
animating reflections, we most solemnly, before God and
the world, declare, that, exerting the utmost energy of
those powers, which our beneficent Creator hath
graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we have been
compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance
of every hazard, with unabating firmness and
perseverence, employ for the preservation of our
liberties; being with one mind resolved to die freemen
rather than to live slaves.
Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our
friends and fellow-subjects in any part of the empire, we
assure them that we mean not to dissolve that union which
has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and
which we sincerely wish to see restored. -- Necessity has
not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced
us to excite any other nation to war against them. -- We
have not raised armies with ambitious designs of
separating from Great-Britain, and establishing
independent states. We fight not for glory or for
conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle
of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any
imputation or even suspicion of offence. They boast of
their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no
milder conditions than servitude or death.
In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that
is our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed till the
late violation of it -- for the protection of our
property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our
fore-fathers and ourselves, against violence actually
offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down
when hostilities shall cease on the part of the
aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall
be removed, and not before.
With an humble confidence in the mercies of the
supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, we
most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us
happily through this great conflict, to dispose our
adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and
thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of
civil war.